Protests are spreading in Kurdish Turkey against the current Turkish incursion into Kurdish Iraq. What Istanbul has portrayed as an anti-terrorist operation is already, less than a week after Turkey’s recent military action commenced, starting to blow back, provoking ethnic unrest within Turkey. Do Turks realize how dangerous their little military solution is becoming…to them?
Ethnic Kurds in Turkey Protest Incursion
Large protests in support of the PKK turned violent in the town of Diyabakir on Monday as protesters clashed with police.
Al Jazeera's Hoda Abdel Hamid said the situation in the town was tense and that reports of similar small clashes in other Turkish towns reflected the growing frustration of Turkey's Kurdish minority. She said that there was also growing anger on the Turkish side as the number of coffins of soldiers returning home continued to mount. There are fears for increased instability as local Peshmerga forces could engage Turkish troops.
Under the moderate Islamic party Adalet ve Kalkinma Partisi (Justice & Development Party / AKP) now “ruling” Turkey (within the space it can carve out of a political system dominated by the military), a model of a third way for Moslem states—in addition to secular dictatorships and Islamic radicalism—is emerging. The PKK, which seems to be the most popular party in Kurdish as well as Turkish ethnic regions of Turkey, is arguably leading the way toward a modern, post-ethnic Turkish nationalism inclusive of the Kurds. Whether or not Turkey can manage to teach the PKK a lesson without inflaming old ethnic tensions within Turkey to the degree that will derail this long-overdue process is a critical question, not only for Turkey and its neighbors and their own large Kurdish minorities but more broadly for Pakistan, Israel, Indonesia, India, Iran, Somalia, and Lebanon—all of which face the same challenge of figuring out a route to modernization that will offer civil liberties, economic development, and mutual respect among minorities while avoiding the Scylla of dictatorship and the Charybdis of repressive Islamic fundamentalism. A tough stance against proponents of violence combined with a compassionate stance toward domestic minorities plus serious efforts to pull the standard of living in minority regions closer to that of the nation as a whole is in theory the right approach to achieve this goal. But the dynamics in which a tough stance against militants plays out typically tend to weaken the other two legs of such a policy. If Turkey can indeed manage to implement such a three-legged policy, then Turkey would constitute a major obstacle to the emergence of the Islamic political fault line so ardently being sought after by extremists.
Milestones to watch for that would indicate the worsening of this new crisis include:
- Kurds citing Kosovo independence as a precedent.
- Civilian Iraqi Kurdish deaths.
- Turkish troops firing on Turkish protests.
- Fighting between Turkish invasion forces and Iraqi Kurdish soldiers (the peshmerga).
- The PKK carrying out its threatened attacks in Turkish cities.
- Rise in popularity of the PKK within Turkey.
- Turkish repression against peaceful political action by Turkish Kurds.
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The head of the MIT (Turkish Secret Intelligence Service), General Teoman Koman, on 11 February 1992, has made public statements against the Turkish government, the issue of treatment of Kurds. The Teoman Koman directly accused the coalition government Demirel-İnönü, that shows tolerance towards the Kurds. The allegations and statements have brought the result: in the last ten days of March (21), the army began a new genocide against the Kurds, who also participated in government, the stirizontas with 18 members, belonging to the Turkish Workers' Party of Kurdistan (Head of the Amptoullach Ocalan).
In Turkey now living descendants of the ancient people of Kardouchon, Kurds, who number 12,000,000 or in other 16,000,000, without freedom, without rights, without the right to self-determination. They live under slavery (inhuman treatment, violence, displacements, displacement of population) and in 1821 suffered from a continuing genocide, because although Muslims are not bound by the Turks. When the authority took the Young Turks-Kemalikoi Turkey, confirmed the Pantourkiki-Pantouraniki ideology, based on oppression, initially religious, linguistic and later if there is a reaction, then apply the genocide. Then apply the cultural genocide, with the ultimate purpose of assimilation.
After the genocide of Armenians, Greeks had a series since 1922 and the 47 small ethnic groups living in Turkey and the Kurdish minority population is very large and can not be promptly disappeared.
The Demirel, in 1991, said: «The granting of rights to the Kurds will be the beginning of the dissolution of Turkey, which has 27 ethnic groups».
In 1986, the University of Bonn (and especially the University of Tympigken) made a ethnologiki research in Turkey barriers, assistance and without assistance from the Turkish government. But the Germans and 'ngloi ethnologoi the University of Bonn found Turkey to live 47 nationalities, who have no racial-ethnic relationship with the Turks, only with the language, their impose.
Religious, the majority are Muslims, but have some specifics doxastikes by the Turks. From the cultural standpoint, we can say that they have their own culture and their own habits, customs and folk traditions, their own music, dance and songs, which have nothing to do with the Turkish. In 1914-19, in Asia Minor, Armenia, Kurdistan, the population was 12,512,846 inhabitants. In M. Asia-Turkish Ottomans were 1,802,697 in the regions of Armenia and Kurdistan-only 30,500 of a population of 2,644,140 inhabitants (the figures from the Paris Conference Sevres). So-Turkish Ottomans were 15% of the population in M. Asia currently trying to ektourkisei all other ethnic groups.
The ethnologoi the University of Bonn, among the 47 small ethnic groups living in Turkey and discovered Ellinofonous Kryptochristianous-Muslims, who live in Sea. Also Tourkofonoys Muslims and the Greek national conscience. Only the Greek state has not yet discovered, it denies the existence of! Maybe even the current position of Greece against the Greeks of Romiosynis, who live outside the current borders, based on the decisions of the drafters of the Constitution of Epidauros (A National Assembly, 1 January 1822), which stipulated the following: «People indigenous inhabitants of the Territory of Greece pistefsousin in Christ, eisin Greeks and non apolamvanousi tinos dispute all political rights ».
Later, I. Kolletis says: «dynametha to thesomen diakrisin tina, THE THE estin Ellin and indispensable estin Ellin». This is the reason why the historian Constantine Paparrigopoulos ekdioketai from the public (Division of the Ministry of Justice and Judicial paredros) was not indigenous Greek, because it was born in Istanbul but after a near recognised the Greek ypikootis and epanilthen and the government.
In 1887 the poet Constantine Ipeirotis Ouranis refuge in Greece diokomenos by the Turks. «Kakou He called on those responsible to help him to study, kakou seeking Ellinikin ithageneian». The problem encountered by Paparrigopoulos and Ouranis was that if Christians and Greeks were eterochthones «neilydes» namely Romans Greeks (Greeks) and not indigenous Greek citizens of the Greek state, did not take part in the struggle against the Turks until 1829 and not settled until 1837 the Greek state, and therefore could not have equal rights to indigenous.
The Balkan wars and territorial expansion in Greece, this position on the Greeks and Romans Greeks (Romion) raised scrapped. The Asia Minor disaster of 1922, however, restored to the fore. The population exchange between Greece and Turkey were based on religion and not on the national conscience. Big loser only the Greeks, after fleeing from Greece 400,000 Muslims, many of whom were ethnic Greeks pure conscience (Vallachades of Kozani, Ioannites Ellinofonoi Muslims of Epirus, Vlachofonoi Muslims «Menglenites» living in Almopia, but earlier when fled from Crete and exislamismenoi Tourkokritikoi currently residing in Turkey, Syria (Chamintie) and Libya (Turkey 1914-19 numbered 53,926).
In these exislamismenous Greeks planted the Turkish national consciousness, but also hatred towards the aparnithike Greece. From Turkey in 1922 fled 1,500,000 Greeks as refugees metoikisan Greece and fewer metoikisan in the Soviet Union, Bulgaria, Romania and scarce as immigrants fled to America.
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